Surreal illustration of the impact of climate on global stability

Can Climate Predict Conflict? How El Niño Impacts Global Stability

"New research reveals the surprising connection between climate patterns like El Niño and political violence, offering potential for early warnings and more effective peacemaking."


In an era defined by climate change and geopolitical instability, understanding the links between these global challenges has never been more critical. Recent research sheds light on a surprising connection: the influence of climate phenomena, specifically the El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO), on political violence. This connection could revolutionize how we approach conflict prevention and peacemaking efforts.

El Niño and its counterpart, La Niña, are characterized by fluctuations in sea surface temperatures in the tropical Pacific Ocean. These seemingly isolated oceanic events trigger a cascade of effects across the globe, altering weather patterns, impacting agricultural yields, and, according to new evidence, influencing the dynamics of political conflict. The implications of these findings are far-reaching, suggesting that climate data could serve as an early warning system for identifying and mitigating potential hotspots of violence.

This article explores the groundbreaking research uncovering the relationship between ENSO events and political instability, particularly in agrarian societies. By examining the mechanisms through which climate shocks affect conflict, and considering the potential for leveraging climate predictions to enhance peacemaking efforts, we gain valuable insights into navigating the complex challenges of our interconnected world.

AI Search Multiple angles on this topic

Decades of Weather Records Behind Climate Statistics

For one illustrative case, the National Weather Service notes that a relatively complete set of daily temperature and rainfall data for the Houston area reaches back to 1892, with some records extending to 1889, and the city's weather office remained downtown from 1881 until May 1969. Such long observational runs are what current climate statistics rest on: climate itself is defined as the long-term weather pattern of a region, typically averaged over 30 years, encompassing the mean and variability of temperature, precipitation, wind, and other variables over time. In Houston, that record yields a picture of distinct rainy and dry seasons, with the wet season running from April/May to September/October and the dry season from November/December to March/April. Daily climate reports, issued each day, compile details such as temperature, precipitation, humidity, wind, and record data, keeping the running statistical picture current.

Monthly Normals and Humid Subtropical Summaries

Standard climate summaries for Houston are typically built around averages and seasonal breakdowns. Climate reference sites present the city's weather through a general description, its seasons, guidance on when to go, and monthly climate statistics given in both metric and imperial units, along with weather-by-month breakdowns. One such source characterizes Houston as having a humid subtropical climate with hot summers and mild winters, and rainfall that is described as fairly wet and spread evenly throughout the year, punctuated by heavy seasonal downpours or afternoon thunderstorms in the warmer months. These averaged descriptions are useful summaries, but they can mask the day-to-day variability, such as episodic thunderstorms, that month-by-month figures leave out.

Early Links Between Climate and Conflict

Efforts to connect climate variability with conflict have a long but uneven intellectual history. Early work tended to suggest that environmental stress, including phenomena linked to the El Niño–Southern Oscillation, could influence social instability and even conflict. Over time, researchers have come to see those early claims as largely correlational and often contested. The relationship is generally regarded today as complex and indirect, shaped by political, economic, and institutional factors that are difficult to separate from the climate signal. Because reliable long-term data on both climate and conflict are limited, many foundational conclusions remain open to debate rather than settled.

The Climate-Conflict Connection: How ENSO Triggers Political Instability

Surreal illustration of the impact of climate on global stability

The El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) is a recurring climate pattern centered in the tropical Pacific Ocean. Its most recognizable feature is the fluctuation in sea surface temperatures, leading to El Niño (warmer temperatures) and La Niña (cooler temperatures) events. However, the impact of ENSO extends far beyond ocean temperatures, influencing weather systems worldwide through a phenomenon known as teleconnections.

Teleconnections link ENSO events to altered precipitation patterns and temperature fluctuations in distant regions. For agricultural societies, these shifts can be devastating, leading to crop failures and economic hardship. The study highlights that a 1°C warming in sea surface temperature, indicative of a moderate El Niño event, can reduce political violence by approximately three percent in exposed locations with crop agriculture during the early postharvest season.

  • Reduced Harvests, Reduced Conflict: The research suggests that El Niño-induced weather adversity during crop-growing seasons decreases political violence shortly after harvest, potentially due to smaller surpluses of food or cash available for perpetrators.
  • La Niña's Opposite Effect: Conversely, La Niña events, which bring cooler temperatures, can increase conflict in the same exposed croplands during the early postharvest season.
  • Predictive Potential: Because ENSO events can be predicted several months in advance, these findings offer a platform for early warnings of changes in political violence, particularly in agrarian societies.
AI Search Multiple angles on this topic

A Growing but Mixed Research Base

Recent research on climate and conflict has grown substantially, drawing on longer climate records and more detailed conflict datasets. Some reviews find evidence that climate anomalies, including those associated with major El Niño events, coincide with elevated risk of certain kinds of instability. At the same time, the links vary widely by region, by type of conflict, and by how both climate and conflict are measured. Much of the newest work therefore emphasizes conditional, context-dependent relationships rather than a simple causal chain. Findings remain preliminary and are frequently revised as new data and methods become available.

Skepticism and Failed Replications

Not all findings in this literature have held up. Several prominent analyses linking climate shocks to conflict have faced criticism over statistical methods, and some results have failed to replicate when tested against alternative datasets or different time periods. Critics argue that apparent climate–conflict correlations can be confounded by economic downturns, poor governance, and seasonal reporting biases. Where effects are found, they tend to be small or limited to specific settings rather than general laws of behavior. As a result, many researchers caution against treating climate as a reliable predictor of conflict.

Comparing Regions, Conflicts, and Climates

Comparisons across regions and conflict types reveal that climate–conflict links, if any, are far from uniform. Agricultural economies exposed to drought may face very different stresses than coastal or urban areas hit by storms or flooding, and responses differ between conflicts over resources and broader political unrest. The same climate event can therefore produce instability in one setting and little effect in another. Such comparisons underscore how country-specific institutions, livelihoods, and governance shape whether climatic stress translates into conflict. Any general claims must be weighed against this diversity of findings.

Historical evidence supports the climate-conflict connection, with several instances of El Niño-induced droughts and famines linked to social unrest and political violence. For instance, El Niño events at the end of the 18th century brought droughts to Southern Africa and Ethiopia, while severe droughts in the 19th century contributed to civil war in Zululand. These events underscore the potential for climate shocks to exacerbate existing tensions and trigger new conflicts.

A Call to Action: Leveraging Climate Data for Conflict Prevention

The research presented here offers a compelling case for integrating climate data into conflict prediction and prevention strategies. By understanding how ENSO events influence political violence, policymakers and international organizations can proactively address potential hotspots of instability. Early warning systems based on climate predictions can enable targeted interventions, such as providing economic support to vulnerable communities, mediating disputes, and strengthening local governance structures.

AI Search Multiple angles on this topic

A Nuanced, Circumstantial Link

Taken together, the evidence suggests that climate variability and major events like El Niño can influence the conditions that make conflict more likely, but rarely determine it. Experts commonly describe the connection as indirect, working through food insecurity, displacement, and economic strain rather than through direct causation. The strength and direction of these effects depend heavily on local context and on how societies manage environmental shocks. Most commentary therefore stops short of claiming that climate can 'predict' conflict in any deterministic sense, favoring probabilistic, context-aware interpretations instead.

Better Data and Predictive Models Ahead

The next frontier in studying climate and conflict lies in longer, higher-resolution datasets and more sophisticated modeling. Advances in climate forecasting, including improved seasonal outlooks tied to phenomena such as El Niño, offer the possibility of earlier warnings for at-risk regions. Machine learning and causal inference methods may eventually help separate climate's influence from other drivers of instability. However, genuinely predictive capacity remains uncertain, and the field's projections are best treated as estimates subject to revision. Progress will depend as much on social science and local knowledge as on improved climate science.

Systems, Institutions, and Complexity

Climate and conflict interact within larger systems, where poverty, inequality, weak institutions, and rapid population growth often matter as much as weather itself. Addressing climate-related instability therefore cannot be reduced to forecasting alone; it involves systemic challenges like food security, water management, and governance capacity. The same climate shock can be absorbed easily by resilient communities and prove devastating elsewhere. Because these factors reinforce one another, single-cause explanations are likely to miss more than they capture. Systemic responses, rather than isolated interventions, appear to be the more defensible path forward.

People at the Center of Statistics

Behind the statistics on climate and conflict are people whose livelihoods, homes, and communities are directly affected. Displacement, lost harvests, and resource scarcity are experienced most acutely by those with the fewest buffers against shocks. Climate-related stress can compound existing grievances and vulnerabilities, raising the human toll even when no outright conflict erupts. Accounting for these lived realities is essential, both for understanding the climate–conflict question and for designing responses that genuinely reduce harm.

How ENSO-related conflict estimates compare

One cross-climate comparison reports that a one-standard-deviation shift toward warmer temperatures or more extreme rainfall corresponds to higher median frequencies of interpersonal and intergroup conflict. This is a broad climate comparison, not an ENSO-only estimate.[1]

A separate estimate links a transition from La Niña to neutral conditions with a geopolitical-risk effect comparable in magnitude to the outbreak of a major interstate war. That comparison concerns geopolitical risk, rather than a count of conflicts.[2]

The estimates and their reference points

  • 26% at 4°C warmingAn expert estimate assigns a 26% probability to severe and widespread armed-conflict effects at 4°C of warming above pre-industrial levels, assuming non-climatic drivers remain at present levels. This is a probability under that stated assumption, not a forecast that conflict will certainly occur.[3]
  • approximately 40%The estimated share of ENSO-associated conflicts displaced in time is approximately 40%, but the evidence is suggestive and statistically insignificant.[4]Caveat: suggestive but statistically insignificant

What these estimates do and do not establish

Taken together, the estimates use different outcomes and comparisons: climate-related changes in conflict frequency, geopolitical risk, and the probability of severe effects are not interchangeable measures. Their apparent scale should therefore not be read as one unified forecast.[1] [2] [3]

The association with conflict may partly reflect repeated episodes or a delay between climate events and conflict, rather than a distinct immediate response each time. The evidence described does not settle how much either pattern explains.[4]

ENSO-related global patterns cannot automatically be extended to gradual shifts in average temperature or to every feature of human-driven climate change. The evidence also points to economic consequences of disasters and disease outbreaks as possible routes connecting climate variation with conflict.[4]

The regional weather pattern described for El Niño includes both deficient rainfall in several regions and excessive rainfall or flooding elsewhere. This contrast cautions against treating a warm ENSO phase as a single uniform local shock.[5]

What remains unresolved about ENSO and conflict

  • Would the association with large conflicts remain similar if recurring conflicts were separated from new episodes?[4]
  • Which findings about ENSO-driven climate patterns apply to gradual warming or other characteristics of human-driven climate change?[4]

About this Article -

Written with AI assistance from published research, and reviewed by the Mystum team. See our About page for more information.

This article is based on research published under:

DOI-LINK: https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.2311.1637,

Title: Climate, Crops, And Postharvest Conflict

Subject: econ.gn q-fin.ec

Authors: David Ubilava

Published: 27-11-2023

Everything You Need To Know

1

How does El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) relate to political violence and conflict?

The El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO), specifically El Niño and La Niña events, influences political violence by affecting weather patterns and agricultural yields, particularly in agrarian societies. Research indicates that El Niño, characterized by warmer sea surface temperatures, can temporarily reduce political violence shortly after harvest, while La Niña, with cooler temperatures, can increase conflict. These climate events serve as potential indicators for anticipating changes in political violence.

2

What are teleconnections and how do they link El Niño and La Niña to global weather patterns?

Teleconnections are the pathways through which El Niño and La Niña influence weather systems in distant regions. These oceanic events alter precipitation patterns and temperature fluctuations globally. For example, El Niño events are linked to droughts in Southern Africa and Ethiopia, demonstrating how changes in sea surface temperatures in the tropical Pacific Ocean can trigger cascading effects worldwide.

3

Can climate data really be used to predict and prevent political violence?

Yes, the research suggests that climate data, particularly related to El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) events, can be integrated into conflict prediction and prevention strategies. By understanding how El Niño and La Niña influence political violence, policymakers and international organizations can proactively address potential hotspots of instability. Early warning systems based on climate predictions can enable targeted interventions, such as providing economic support to vulnerable communities, mediating disputes, and strengthening local governance structures.

4

What impact do El Niño and La Niña events have on crop agriculture, and how does this affect political violence?

El Niño events, with warmer sea surface temperatures, induce weather adversity that can decrease political violence shortly after harvest due to smaller food or cash surpluses. Conversely, La Niña events, which bring cooler temperatures, can increase conflict in exposed croplands during the early postharvest season. The impact is substantial, a 1°C warming in sea surface temperature during a moderate El Niño event can reduce political violence by approximately three percent in exposed locations with crop agriculture during the early postharvest season.

5

Besides the El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO), are there other climate phenomena that can influence global political stability and conflict?

While the research specifically focuses on the El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) and its influence on political stability, it suggests that any climate phenomena impacting agricultural yields and economic stability in vulnerable regions could potentially influence conflict. The core mechanism involves climate shocks affecting resources and livelihoods, thus exacerbating existing tensions. Further research could explore the impact of other climate patterns like the Indian Ocean Dipole or the North Atlantic Oscillation on political violence, particularly in regions heavily dependent on agriculture and natural resources. Understanding such connections will pave the way for innovative approaches to conflict prevention and resolution.

Newsletter Subscribe

Subscribe to get the latest articles and insights directly in your inbox.